Evidence (burden of proof)

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Key international criminal law instruments provide that some evidence should not be admissible in cases involving sexual and gender-based violence (SGBV) due to their discriminatory, victimising, stigmatising and, importantly, irrelevant nature. For instance, the International Criminal Court (ICC) Rules of Procedure and Evidence provide that corroboration of a victim’s testimony is not required to prove a sexual crime, and it is not permitted to admit evidence on the prior or subsequent sexual conduct of a victim or witness [1]. This approach is reflected across a range of human rights instruments, such as the African Commission of Human and Peoples’ Rights (ACHPR) Guidelines on combating sexual violence and its consequences in Africa, which provides that such evidence should not be "taken into account to determine whether sexual violence has taken place or as a mitigating circumstance, including […] arguments that the victim has delayed in reporting the violence" [2].

Corroboration

Corroboration requires that the testimony of a victim is supported by additional evidence that validates, or proves the accuracy, of the victim’s account. In other words, it means that a conviction for sexual violence cannot be reached only on the basis of a victim’s testimony. Corroborating evidence can include medical prescriptions, pictures, forensic evidence, written materials and often, witnesses who support the truthfulness of the victim’s account [3]. Due to the particular circumstances in which sexual violence occurs, often in closed settings or in the absence of witnesses, a requirement of a corroborating testimony from a witness almost inevitably results in blocking the victim/survivor from reporting the crime or, if the corroboration is required at a later stage, a failure to prosecute or convict the perpetrator.

The requirement of corroboration is rooted in historic stereotypes and misconceptions. First, it relies on the erroneous assumption that women’s testimonies are unreliable as they are inclined to lie, exaggerate or be emotional [4]. It assumes the availability of physical evidence, such as injuries that would result from the crime of sexual violence, which reflects a common yet inaccurate assumption that this type of violence always involves physical struggle or resistance [5]. This disregards the different ways in which victims may respond to the assault, which can include immobility, the feeling of being frozen or feeling detached from the body [6].


Related terms

Footnotes

[1International Criminal Court (ICC), Rules of Procedure and Evidence, ICC-ASP/1/3 and Corr.1, part II.A ("ICC Rule of Procedure and Evidence"), 3-10 September 2002, Rules 70 and 71; See also International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY), Rules of Procedure and Evidence, Doc. IT/32/Rev.50, adopted on 11 February 1994, amended on 8 July 1995, Article 96(iv); International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR), Rules of Procedure and Evidence, Doc. ITR/3/REV.1, adopted 29 June 1995, amended 13 May 2015, Article 96(iv); Special Court for Sierra Leone (SCSL), Rules of Procedure and Evidence, last amended on 31 May 2012, Article 96.

[2African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights (ACHPR), Guidelines on combating sexual violence and its consequences in Africa, 2017, para. 40.5(b)(iii).

[3H. Campbell Black, "Corroborating Evidence", in Black’s Law Dictionary, 2nd Edition, New Jersey: The Lawbook Exchange, 1995.

[5Idem. See the work of the French psychiatrist Dr. Murielle Salmona on the Mémoire traumatique et victimologie website, "Mécanismes" (in French).

[6A. Möller, H. P. Söndergaard and L. Helström, "Tonic immobility during sexual assault – a common reaction predicting post-traumatic stress disorder and severe depression", Acta Obstetrica et Gynecologica Scandivanica, Vol. 96(8), 2017, pp. 932-938, p. 934.